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Western Balkans / EU Enlargement

Enlargement Fatigue and the Western Balkans Trap

The European Union has spent two decades promising the Western Balkans a future inside the bloc. The promises have become a trap — binding enough to shape domestic politics in the candidate states, hollow enough to breed precisely the disillusionment Brussels claims to fear. The Thessaloniki Declaration of 2003 was unambiguous: the future of the…

Arben Qorraj

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Foreign Policy Writer, Pristina

The European Union has spent two decades promising the Western Balkans a future inside the bloc. The promises have become a trap — binding enough to shape domestic politics in the candidate states, hollow enough to breed precisely the disillusionment Brussels claims to fear.

The Thessaloniki Declaration of 2003 was unambiguous: the future of the Western Balkans lies within the European Union. Twenty-two years later, not one of the six states covered by that pledge — Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia — has joined. Montenegro and Serbia opened accession negotiations over a decade ago. North Macedonia changed its constitutional name to resolve a Greek veto, only to encounter a Bulgarian one. Albania was granted candidate status in 2014 and has been waiting since. Bosnia received candidate status in 2022 as a geopolitical gesture after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, with no credible acceleration of the process to follow. Kosovo’s application sits in procedural limbo, unrecognised by five EU member states.

The standard Brussels explanation is conditionality: the candidates have not met the benchmarks. Rule of law, judicial independence, anti-corruption reforms, media freedom — the checklist is long and the shortcomings are real. But conditionality is meant to be a process with a destination, not a permanent holding pattern. When the destination recedes with every benchmark met, the incentive structure collapses. Reformers in Tirana or Podgorica who staked their political capital on the European path find themselves unable to deliver results to their electorates. The autocrats and nationalists who argued that Brussels was never serious gain credibility with every stalled chapter.

Meanwhile, the geopolitical vacuum fills. China builds highways and power plants across the region. Russia maintains deep political networks in Serbia and Republika Srpska. Turkey, the Gulf states, and increasingly India pursue their own influence strategies. The EU’s response has been to announce investment packages and strategic partnerships, but without the gravitational pull of credible membership, these are palliatives, not strategy. A region of eighteen million people, entirely surrounded by EU territory, is being allowed to drift into a grey zone of permanent candidacy.

Renewed commitment would require something the Union has so far been unwilling to provide: a binding timeline with political consequences for failure to meet it — on both sides. The candidate states need credible deadlines to sustain domestic reform coalitions. The EU needs to accept that enlargement is not a favour it bestows but a strategic imperative it ignores at its own risk. The alternative is already visible: a periphery that is formally aligned but practically adrift, where the promise of Europe becomes the longest-running broken commitment in the continent’s post-Cold War history.


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